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- Guilds in the transition to modernity: The cases of Germany, United Kingdom, and the Netherlands
- Selling modernity: Advertising in twentieth-century Germany — Macquarie University
In theory they were accessible to all and sundry, but whether this also was true in practice remains to be seen. Second, political citizenship rights became generally more limited because of franchise thresholds and simultaneously less significant as local authorities lost much of their autonomous powers to national institutions, which were even less accessible to voters in most countries during much of the nineteenth century.
In other words, the changes of the nineteenth century may have given more people more rights in theory, but in practice fewer rights were available to fewer people, because of the abolishment of the civic institutions that previously gave them political and economic agency. To what extent was a specific trade regulated by means of guilds or guild-like regulations in the pre period? To what extent was a specific trade regulated by means of guilds or guild-like regulations after ?
Then we analyze how, throughout the nineteenth century, the developments in the economic and political spheres coincided and shaped national political economies in these countries. As we demonstrate, decisive was not only how and whether individual trades in our three countries and the regulatory mechanisms in these trades transformed in the nineteenth century, but also which of these trades came to dominate the development of national political economies by the end of the century.
Artisans, economic liberalization and industry: six scenarios and key characteristics at the end of the nineteenth century. The trades that most obviously contradict the standard story of a nineteenth century of free markets and industrialism are those where old guilds or guild-like regulatory mechanisms formally or informally survived throughout the century, and where mechanization of production processes was almost impossible. In some cases, guilds or guild-like regulatory mechanisms survived for political reasons, as in Prussia, where the authorities saw guilds as a bulwark against radicalism and the organization of workers Bergmann Guild regulations could also survive because of the strategic value of the trade for local authorities, for example if they were considered essential to social peace or hygiene Van Genabeek There were also various reasons why production processes in these trades were not or hardly industrialized, for example because industrialization was technically not yet possible or unnecessary because the market was purely local Breuilly Part of the explanation for this continuity was the stable organization of London slaughterers, cutters, and retailers, which went back to the tenth century when the Worshipful Company of Butchers had been established.
As a result, despite the formal abolition of the guilds in the United Kingdom in , guild-like structures remained dominant in London butchery, even when from the s trade liberalization allowed the importation of large quantities of foreign cattle to the United Kingdom Jones Throughout the nineteenth century, London butchers and their organizations managed to bat away such criticisms by playing public opinion and local authorities MacLachlan The butchers claimed that centralizing slaughtering in a limited number of public abattoirs would increase, not decrease, public health risks.
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Butchers also appealed to the widespread laissez-faire belief by portraying themselves as defenders of private enterprise against government intrusion. The success in averting change enabled London butchers to continue their trade throughout the nineteenth century without major changes in their workshops and production processes Jones The case of the London butchers is not at all unique. In all three countries we find, throughout the nineteenth century, brewers, grocers, bakers, and similar tradespeople maintaining control over the access to product and labor markets because they met basic demands of the domestic population cf.
Van Zanden and Van Riel As they managed to maintain control over access and production was very difficult to mechanize, production processes and labor relations remained largely unaltered. Yet the trades that followed this scenario did not contribute much to the continuation of guild traditions within national political economies, because they tended to operate at the local level, and their interest representation was also primarily directed at the local political arena. Such situations could be found among the crafts that followed the second and third scenarios—industrialized artisanism and liberalized artisanism.
The second scenario also concerns trades in which, before , guilds functioned as local economic semi- monopolies that formally or informally remained deep into the nineteenth century. The crucial difference with the first scenario old artisanism is that production processes, or parts of them, in these trades were relatively easy to standardize and to mechanize. An example of industrialized artisanism was the printing trade in the German lands, which was concentrated in cities like Leipzig and Frankfurt.
Journeymen printers engaged in long spells of journeying, both to learn skills and because a broad knowledge and cosmopolitanism was considered essential to their skill. In most of Germany, these typical guild-like traits remained relevant far into the nineteenth century—including the practice to ban women from the trade. This happened despite gradual erosion of the Postulat throughout the nineteenth century and a significant increase in the number and size of printing workshops from the s, due to innovations in printing presses and paper manufacturing.
The development of the German printing trade is illustrative of a considerable number of trades in all three countries, such as silk-weaving in Britain Jones , diamond-cutting and printing in the Netherlands Hofmeester ; Knotter , and many highly specialized trades in Germany, such as metallurgy and production of cutlery, optical equipment, and weapons. What these trades had in common was that, during much of the nineteenth century, protective guild- regulations limited the access—of both employers and workers—to the trade.
When the industrialization of production processes in these trades commenced and when protective regulations were gradually lifted in mid-century, enterprising masters were at the center of developments Crossick The occupational group meanwhile continued to exert large influence over access via skill-formation; specific skills remained indispensable in these trades, despite the partial mechanization of production processes Herrigel One consequence was that unionization in these trades, which often started early, resulted in typical craft unions that resembled pres organizations of journeymen, focused on bonding, entertainment, and organizing mutual insurance funds.
Despite the concentration on their own trades, by the turn of the twentieth century these labor unions were amongst the first to establish national organizations, which in turn greatly contributed to the establishment of national labor union federations Hueting et al. Instead of establishing their own associations, they initially attempted to frustrate union activity by banning union members from their companies Yarmie ; Knotter The third scenario covers trades where guilds were strong before but already lost their effectiveness in the early nineteenth century.
As in the first scenario of old artisanism, industrialization of production processes in these trades proved difficult for technical reasons or unnecessary because they produced predominantly for local markets. Yet, due to the early abolition of protective regulations, artisans were no longer capable of controlling product and labor markets.
This had two far-reaching consequences.
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First, since masters could no longer control product markets, competition increased markedly. Second, as masters could no longer control labor markets the old apprentice system was undermined, causing skills-formation to become problematic in these trades Crossick An example of this scenario was the building trade in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Building in both countries remained largely reliant on hand tools and manual work, and only after did technical developments gradually start to affect the trade.
The s saw the introduction of some standardized parts in plumbing and carpentry. Standardization and the use of pre-fabricated parts increased thereafter: window frames, bricks, and other materials became more regular. Some powered machinery began to be used, like steam cranes and drilling machines, but this only had a real impact toward the end of the century McKenna and Rodger The real change in this period concerned the organizational structure of labor relations in the trade.
Until the early nineteenth century, apprenticeship requirements had formally e. Growing demand also opened up the market for new competitors, who felt less obliged to adhere to traditional informal agreements about wages, skills-formation and so on. As a result, the employment of non-skilled workers, pressure on wages, and incidence of temporary contracts all increased.
The same developments also eroded the apprenticeship system in the building trade. Employers and local authorities, increasingly anxious about the situation, launched vocational schools, which in subsequent decades rapidly spread across the country but could not entirely replace the old apprenticeship system Schalk The scenario of liberalized artisanism can be observed in other trades where mechanization of production processes was only partially possible or necessary, like shoemaking and tobacco processing in the Netherlands Van der Ven or the clothing industry in the Netherlands ibid.
In such workshops, labor conditions were comparable with those under the first scenario old artisanism , but relations were tenser. Due to the inability to regulate access to the trade, for example, via skills-formation, workers from outside the occupational group could also enter cf. Breuilly ; Kocka When these failed, workers teamed up with newcomers against employers by establishing—often explicitly socialist or syndicalist—labor unions Kocka ; Lenger Eventually the small social and spatial distance between employer and workers in these trades forced both sides to seek compromise.
In the late nineteenth century, interest organizations in these trades were amongst the promoters of corporatist structures at the local level, for example in various Dutch towns and cities, where in the s labor unions and employers associations in construction established permanent voluntary Labor Councils Arbeidsraden to reconcile labor disputes Van Veen The three scenarios discussed so far challenge the standard notion that in the nineteenth century artisanism was swept away by free markets and the mechanization of production processes. Kocka This was the case in the textile industry of Twente, a region in the eastern Netherlands.
Small farmers compensated low returns of agriculture on their sandy soils by spinning yarn from flax and weaving linen cloths that they sold to local entrepreneurs, who exported them overseas. When around guilds in The Netherlands were formally abolished, Twente entrepreneurs quickly started to concentrate textile production in one urban center, Enschede, and imported the first Spinning Jennies from the United Kingdom.
With the help of the Dutch government, the Twente textile trade was gradually industrialized, wiping away hand weaving, in both towns and countryside, and destroying the traditional apprentice system by establishing weaving schools preparing large numbers of workers for labor in the new factories Trompetter After , the mechanization of textile production transformed the small town of Enschede into a large industrial center.
Yet while industrial expansion accelerated, the number of strikes gradually increased, culminating in outright class wars in the late s and s. In the following decades labor relations in the Twente textile industry remained volatile, with massive strikes and lock-outs and a lack of willingness on both sides to compromise and to establish conflict reconciliation structures at the local level Van Nederveen Meerkerk et al. The Dutch cotton trade is illustrative of a number of industries like weaving and garment production in the United Kingdom and Germany Bythell ; Biernacki The early abolition of guilds and guild-like regulatory mechanisms, combined with rapid mechanization of production processes, destroyed the artisan world of masters, journeymen, and apprentices almost overnight.
And since it was destroyed so quickly, functional equivalents for interest representation, conflict reconciliation, and skills-formation were slow to develop. In these trades, new technological inventions tended to spread easily and rapidly across Europe and international competition was fierce Hyde , while large capital investments were required to enter these trades Shin With unskilled manpower entering the factories from the countryside, former masters and journeymen were subjected to a process of proletarianization; traditional status distinctions vanished, and with them solidarities and mechanisms to reconcile conflicts.
In this situation, there was no urgency for employers to organize. For various reasons, before not all trades in Western Europe had been regulated by guilds. Moreover, during the nineteenth century, new trades emerged while occupations that had been marginal now matured. The birth or growth of these trades and occupations was often closely linked to technological advancements, requiring new expert knowledge and techniques that subsequently became the domain of specific occupational groups that, with variable success, tried to limit access to their expertise.
One example of this new artisanism was the engineers in The Netherlands, whose predecessors were never organized in guilds. Its roots lay in a special service, the Department of Waterways and Public Works Rijkswaterstaat , created in for national water management, as the Dutch Republic was transformed into a unitary state and was staffed with an Engineer Corps for Water Management Corps Ingenieurs van den Waterstaat Davids Initially, Rijkswaterstaat staff members were recruited from typically artisanal backgrounds—carpenters, surveyors, millwrights—but they were soon replaced by the sons of public servants, including judges and army and naval officers, sometimes even of aristocratic origin.
New institutions were introduced, like the Royal Academy for Civil Engineering Koninklijke Akademie voor Burgerlijke Ingenieurs set up in Delft in , which would acquire full academic status in The launch of major infrastructural projects like new canals and railroad building added prestige to the engineering profession Disco With their education and prospects secure, engineers started to organize.
Both organizations sought to improve the position of their members and the esprit de corps among engineers; only Delft graduates were accepted as members. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century, Delft Academy graduates became a very influential occupational group in the Netherlands. As the state bureaucracy expanded, it became the purveyor of the technical ministries and even turned out cabinet ministers on a regular basis Disco The engineering occupation in The Netherlands exemplifies occupations in our three countries that were new in the nineteenth century or had transformed to such an extent that by they hardly resembled their predecessors—like lawyers, who benefited from national state formation, and university professors, who benefited both from technological progress and the formation of national educational systems.
Over the course of the nineteenth century, they became the artisans of a new age, i. Like pre artisans, the new professions used their expert knowledge and techniques to erect barriers against outsiders. Controlling occupational training and establishing exclusive professional associations for the development of work standards and quality criteria, they managed to regulate their labor markets, often backed up by government legislation MacDonald The labor force in Germany, The Netherlands, and the United Kingdom circa , employment in trades as percentage of total labor force.
For comparability reasons, some of the trades in the three countries have been redefined or merged. Sources: Germany: Hoffmann The Netherlands: www. The sixth scenario coincides most with the standard notion of nineteenth-century industrialization. In this scenario a trade emerged virtually out of the blue, facilitated by technological innovations. One such trade was the German iron and steel industry. Many of the important nineteenth-century Ruhr companies began as family enterprises, such as Krupp in Essen and Thyssen in Duisburg Feldenkirchen The s saw a major expansion in iron production in the Ruhr.
This was facilitated by the mining of hard coal and iron ore deposits in the Ruhr valley. From the s, the rapid expansion of the German railway system created a huge demand, spurring industrialization and expansion of production Fremdling Ruhr heavy industry became vertically integrated: mines, foundries, and factories were often constructed close together and were owned by the same company. By the early twentiethh century, cartels were a major feature of the German industrial economy Webb Labor migration was a key element in the rise of the German iron and steel industries and in the allied mining sector, which from had been stimulated by Prussia Jackson Thus the iron and steel industries in the Ruhr employed large numbers of unskilled migrant workers from nearby regions.
While these unskilled migrant workers had low job security and were exposed to business cycles and fluctuations, skilled workers were well-paid and in high demand, and often migrated from far away. Unionization did not begin until the late nineteenth century Crew Due to the often-huge size of the iron and steel companies and the absence of traditional labor relations, labor relations were authoritarian, with the firms often owning the housing and providing social insurance to employees and their families, and dominating the areas around their factories, foundries, and mines.
Finally, effective technical education and training through factory apprenticeships were important elements of the German iron and steel industry Crew In the nineteenth century in the three countries we selected for our analysis, only a small minority of trades—those thriving on the real innovations of the time, like chemicals and electricity—was really entirely new see Table 3. In the new industrialized trades interest organizations of workers and employers were late to arrive, while labor relations were stressed and often violent. Eventually, as in the case of destroyed artisanism, this situation did not result in the emergence of corporatist structures, but in conflict reconciliation on the shop floor and in strong labor unions focusing on the national political arena for labor protection and social security legislation.
After exploring six scenarios of what happened to various artisan trades under the influence of nineteenth-century economic liberalization and industrialization, we now investigate which scenarios unfolded in Germany, the United Kingdom, and The Netherlands. More specifically: What did the unfolding of specific trade scenarios mean for the construction and type s of national citizenship rights in these countries, and what was their role in shaping emerging national political economies?
The standard conception of German industrialization in the second half of the nineteenth century is one of rapidly emerging large-scale industrial firms, supported by state sponsorship and large universal banks. This picture of a sudden and orchestrated industrialization is only partially accurate.
They were the result of the unfolding of the fourth destroyed artisanism and sixth scenarios new industrialization. From the s in sectors like textiles e. Meanwhile, in some German regions entrepreneurs from outside set up trades largely new to these regions, e. This order was composed of firms that developed more or less according to our second and third scenarios—industrialized and liberalized artisanism—out of the preindustrial guilds.
The reinstatement of guild-like regulations benefitted primarily masters. Although in most regions masters remained deprived of local political rights, due to the system of suffrage based on property qualifications Manow , they regained the local economic rights they had held before , including control over local product markets and access to skills-formation Kocka Their firms were often family-owned and remained deliberately small in order to be flexible and innovative, which was also accomplished by closely cooperating with other small firms in the same town or region.
By establishing regional savings and cooperative banks Sparkassen and Genossenschaftsbanken , often in close collaboration with local authorities, the owners of these firms pooled capital and facilitated innovation Koselleck ; Bergmann ; Kocka In the smallest of these firms, the relationship between master and skilled workers remained very close and cooperative, signified by the fact that master and worker were often members of the same local or regional craft chamber Innung , the direct successors of the guilds.
In the somewhat bigger firms, journeymen were gradually pushed into wage labor and after organized into craft unions Fachvereine , but labor relations continued to be accommodating Herrigel ; Kocka , Due to this regionalization of economic policies interest representation of employers also evolved along regional lines, resulting in mixed local and regional associations that lobbied local and regional government and, from via these and their national federation the Bund der Industriellen , the political institutions of the Reich Herrigel Percentages of the industrial working force by company size in Germany, The Netherlands, and the United Kingdom in Industrie and Handwerk.
Sources: Germany: Hoffmann , p. The Netherlands: Van der Does , p. The figures refer to workers in companies that were mandatory insured against disability under the Ongevallenwet, which in this period only covered workers in industrial companies. United Kingdom: Hannah , p.
Unfortunately, percentages for the other categories are not available.
Guilds in the transition to modernity: The cases of Germany, United Kingdom, and the Netherlands
From the s, Handwerk workers also played a pivotal role in the establishment of the first Socialist political parties, which would eventually merge into the Social Democratic Party of Germany Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands ; Kocka These socialist parties gained momentum after national political rights, in the form of suffrage for the Reichstag of the newly formed North German Confederation Norddeutscher Bund ; replaced in by the German Reich , were granted in to all males over age Even after these laws were lifted in the early s, national political citizenship rights of German workers would remain very limited until World War I, due to the small role of the Reichstag at the national level, and the systems of local and regional suffrage that continued to apply property qualifications until Manow In this situation, Socialist labor unions and political parties had no other choice than to focus on attaining national economic and social citizenship rights for their members.
The same authoritarian German state that tried to frustrate unionism in other respects, helped them—largely unintentionally—to achieve this objective. In the s, Bismarck introduced several national social insurance schemes meant to weaken the position of Socialist unions and parties and to divert the loyalty of their members to the Reich. The schemes were largely modelled on the still-flourishing mutual insurance funds that workers had established in the first half of the century.
Steinmetz , p. As the first nation in history to industrialize the United Kingdom could build on relatively favorable socio-economic and socio-political structures, in both rural and urban areas. Already in the course of the eighteenth century, in most cities and towns many guilds had become ineffective, largely due to the inability or unwillingness of authorities and courts to uphold the charters and regulations that had underpinned their powers, especially the Statute of Artificers , which had regulated wages, movement and training of artisans, and the numbers and prices of their products Eisenberg The disintegration of the guild system enabled newcomers to start new workshops in towns and villages, facilitating the spread of a proto-industrial putting-out system, which from the mid-eighteenth century transformed into the first mechanized factories, starting with cotton production in Lancashire.
In subsequent decades, trades like coal-mining in the Midlands, Northumberland, Lancashire, Yorkshire, and parts of Scotland and Wales and iron and steel production began to benefit from the orders of cotton manufacturers or their experimentation in mechanization and rationalization, and the trades themselves took the first steps toward industrialization Mathias Hence the first round of industrialization in the United Kingdom between c.
Unlike aristocracies in most other European countries, this elite group was far from hostile to the emerging industries.
In the early nineteenth century, in close collaboration with the new industrial entrepreneurs organized into the Whig party, it successfully pushed Parliament to lift all sorts of trade tariffs and legal barriers for further capitalist and industrial development Hobsbawm , quote p. The liberalization of the British economy caused a second wave of industrialization, which transformed a whole range of existing artisanal trades in consumer goods production, such as food and drink, construction, shoemaking, carpentry, pottery and textiles other than cotton, like linen and silk Prothero ; Calhoun In these trades, a specific form of the destroyed artisanism scenario unfolded.
As in Germany, industrialization in these trades resulted in the emergence of small- and medium-sized firms that superficially resembled the modernized late-nineteenth century German artisanal workshops. Yet, unlike Germany, in Britain, industrialization in these trades did not take place within a traditional order. As in Germany, English industrial firms in these trades remained relatively small throughout the nineteenth century, but for different reasons. In Germany, this was the result of strategies of masters trying to keep their firms flexible and innovative and of local and regional government policies discouraging the development of big industry.
During the first half of the nineteenth-century, traditional workshops in only a small minority of trades survived by moving into niche markets of high-quality products or specializing in made-to-measure products. By this time, local citizenship rights of artisans and workers had been undermined almost everywhere, without being replaced by a new national citizenship. The repeal of the Statute of Artificers by Parliament in only formalized a situation in which guild-related local economic and social rights of artisans and workers had already become ineffective in most regions.
The local political rights that certain categories of craftsmen and laborers still enjoyed in some boroughs and counties were nullified by the First Reform Act of , which confined the vote to men of property Daunton With the divide between masters and journeymen dissolving, traditional forms of interest organization also lost their relevance in these trades, without other forms taking their place for a long time.
Saxony, Bavaria remove compulsory guild membership. No specific national regulations; on the local level decided by Justice of the Peace. Prussia: until no representative body; after indirectly three-class suffrage three groups with equal shares of total tax revenue, and seats , women excluded.
Most other states: ruling dynasties continue to dominate political power; weak assemblies: census suffrage, women excluded. Most other states: indirect elections, census suffrage. The coincidenceof the rise of modern unionism and the—compared to Germany de facto and The Netherlands formally —early granting of national political citizenship shaped the character of British unions. Early access to, and trust in, democratic institutions stimulated a reformist, instead of revolutionary, outlook in the trade union movement Price The Liberal Party, more dependent on the working-class vote, when in government enacted several Factory and Workshop Acts — that protected child and female labor and regulated safety on the shop floor Hennock With national political citizenship secured for most of their members, unions could concentrate on their struggles with industrial employers.
In the last two decades of the nineteenth century, British industrial employers gradually shifted their strategy toward acceptance and recognition of trade unions. Part of this was the development of arbitration procedures on the shop floor and collective bargaining at the trade level Mclvor ; Adams In , a Liberal government, supported by the Labour Party, introduced national health insurance and national insurance schemes against sickness and unemployment, followed two years later by a state pension scheme.
Whereas nineteenth-century economic and political developments in Germany resulted in the emergence of national citizenship rights largely based on occupational status and in the United Kingdom on citizenship per se i. Also in the development of a national political economy, the Dutch case shows elements of both the British and German experiences. The mixed character of national citizenship rights and the national political economy can be largely explained by the dual structure of the Dutch economy after This dual economic structure was partially a historical legacy of the Dutch Republic of the Seven United Provinces — In the Republic, international trade and finance had been among the dominating sectors, a position it still held by the late nineteenth century De Vries and Van der Woude In addition, in the Republic, as an offshoot of international trade, especially with the Baltic region and the Dutch East Indies, processing industries had emerged in and around Amsterdam and Rotterdam.
Already in the seventeenth century, mechanical techniques, often driven by windmills, were used to process coffee, cacao, sugar, paper, and various oil types. In the early nineteenth century, these were among the first Dutch trades to introduce steam machines and to scale up their production processes Davids Next to these large sectors, the economy of the Dutch Republic was characterized by small artisan workshops run by masters who were usually organized into guilds. Access to the guilds was usually dependent on local citizenship status, which, next to economic rights, could also give access to political rights electing city magistrates and social rights membership of mutual social insurance funds Prak et al.
National citizenship was introduced under French occupation but offered very few rights compared to the local citizenship it replaced Prak The guilds were formally abolished and not reinstalled when the Dutch state became independent again in The result was that the vast majority of the population, including most artisans and workers, was deprived of local political citizenship rights Van Genabeek , while when the French left national voting rights were restricted to a small wealthy elite Blok for an overview of the development of citizenship rights in the Netherlands, see Table 5.
Yet, due to economic stagnation and mercantile economic policies of both local and national government, many guild-like regulatory mechanisms survived informally at least until the s. This allowed artisans in many trades to maintain part of their traditional local economic rights, like control over product and labor markets and skills-formation, often by means of local cartels tolerated by the local authorities Van Zanden and Van Riel Until , only in a few trades did the formal abolition of guild regulation stimulate the introduction of new mechanized techniques and the establishment of large factories destroyed artisanism : production of textiles Twente , glass and ceramics the southern city of Maastricht , sugar refinery West Brabant , and shipbuilding predominantly in and around Amsterdam and Rotterdam.
When, in the s and s, the Dutch economy was finally liberalized through the abolition of local, regional, and national tolls and tariffs, various new large-scale industries emerged new industrialism , for instance in chemicals Rotterdam area , machine building Amsterdam and Rotterdam and mining the southern Limburg province Van Zanden and Van Riel The owners of these new industries were soon incorporated into the old socio-economic elite of bankers, insurers, and traders, which gave them easy access to Parliament and national government, and which for a long time made their formal organization unnecessary.
Only when labor unions also gained access to the political arena in The Hague around , did they establish the Association of Dutch Employers Vereeniging van Nederlandsche Werkgevers , which until the s would remain the most powerful socio-economic pressure group in the Netherlands Hoogenboom Meanwhile the liberalization of the Dutch economy after not only led to the emergence of new large-scale industries, but also—as in Germany—to a transformation and limited industrialization of existing artisanal trades like printing, construction, clothing, and shoemaking industrialized artisanism and liberalized artisanism.
Yet this process took much more time to unfold than in Germany, due to the late availability of new technologies and to institutional factors such as low wages and high coal prices resulting from the absence of large-scale coal mines and a comprehensive railroad system until the s Van Zanden and Van Riel After , in most manufacturing sectors the average number of workers per employer would only increase slowly, if at all Van Van Gerwen and Seegers The gradual character of change had at least two consequences, which influenced future Dutch national political economy.
First, traditional labor relations between employers and workers in the artisanal trades changed slowly, preserving the small social divide between employers and workers as well as relatively harmonious labor relations e. In the s, employers and workers from the artisanal trades were the driving forces behind the first attempts to establish local corporatist structures Van Van Veen Second, the gradual transformation and industrialization in these trades also caused interest representation of employers—and of workers see below —to develop slowly.
Because of the size of their firms and their own social status, employers in these trades had little access to the national political arena. Only when, from the late s, local and national voting rights were gradually extended, employers in these trades became a significant political factor, especially in the emerging Protestant and Roman Catholic political parties.
After they also established their own interest organizations, many with a religious affiliation Hoogenboom Abolition of the guilds in the early nineteenth century had deprived journeymen of local political citizenship rights, but the stagnant character of the economy and mercantile economic policies had preserved many of their traditional economic e. After the codification of the national right of association in , craft unions became more numerous, mostly in artisanal crafts like printing, construction, and gold- and silver-smithing. In the s these craft unions were also the first to establish national unions and, subsequently national federations of national craft unions in various trades Hueting et al.
During the economic depression of the s workers in the new industries also started to mobilize, after decades of passivity, resulting in the establishment of new industrial unions. In the late s and s, provoked by large-scale strikes and public demonstrations organized by these unions and political parties, the Liberal majority in Parliament—which had close links to the interest organizations of heavy industry—reacted by extending the vote, introducing the first labor legislation, and creating some social insurance against the risks of occupational disability and old age, administered by state-run agencies Hoogenboom In the s and s, as part of this process, craft and industrial unions were forced to join national Roman Catholic, Orthodox Protestants, or Social Democratic union federations.
This reshuffling of affiliations forced craft unions to modernize their organization, while pacifying large parts of the once-militant industrial unions, even in the Social Democratic pillar Hoogenboom When in and universal suffrage for adult males and women was introduced, the Roman Catholic and Protestant political parties together succeeded in capturing a majority in Parliament and a dominant position in the national government, which they would retain long after World War II. This corporatist administrative system would remain in force until Van Waarden Not so very long ago, the birth of modern society looked like a straightforward story: two simultaneous revolutions created a clear break with the past, delivering the industrialized economy and democratic nation-states to the world.
Alternative analytical narratives have been handicapped by taking for granted the national context whose emergence they wanted to explain. We have traced the emergence of the new national political economies of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries on the disaggregated levels of trades and localities, and we have demonstrated under what circumstances continuities from the Old Regime could be incorporated into the new institutional structures. This very much depended, we showed above, on the continued vitality of on the one hand crafts and, on the other hand, local and regional authorities within the national framework.
Where both were strong, as in Germany, a corporatist governance structure was likely to emerge. When the two were balanced, as in The Netherlands, a double structure emerged. We showed how early forms of citizenship contributed to the formation of twentieth-century political economies in Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom by investigating the development of various trades throughout the nineteenth century. To enable the investigation of persistence, we distinguished six scenarios of what might have happened to these pre-industrial crafts during the transition to an industrial economy.
These scenarios were discussed and illustrated with concrete histories of trades and industries, and the contours were sketched of the sort of labor relations and regulatory mechanisms emerging for each type of trade. Next we established which scenarios were dominant in each of the three countries and how the political economies they produced interacted with the development of national political structures, resulting in national political economies and the distribution of national economic, political, and social citizenship rights.
Based on the analysis of the three countries we selected for our analysis, we conclude that the claims put forward in the literature about the importance of guild traditions in the formation of national political economies are only partially correct. First, we showed that in the three countries the formal abolition of guilds did not automatically mean the end of the old regulatory mechanisms. In practice, artisans often remained capable of regulating access to their trade and skills-formation far into the nineteenth century.
Here our analysis demonstrates the fruitfulness of an approach that not only takes into account the evolution of formal economic and political institutions see, for example, Crouch , , and Cusack et al. Kocka ; Breuilly ; Herrigel ; Crossick , as we have applied here. By analyzing various types of trades—each with its own institutional and technological characteristics—we can better understand how and why guild traditions survived in some trades and not in others, and how and whether they could be scaled-up from the local to the national level.
Second, by focusing on trades , rather than on the national political economy, our analysis demonstrates that in the three countries we selected for our analysis a wide variety of trades—some in which guild traditions survived, others in which these traditions had never existed or were destroyed in the nineteenth century—existed side-by-side.
In the end, decisive in the formation of national political economies and citizenship rights were not some general national patterns, as for example Crouch Crouch , claims, but which of these trades came to dominate the development of national political economies by the end of the nineteenth century.
Where such a path was well developed and had adapted to new circumstances like in our industrialized artisanism and liberalized artisanism scenarios , as in Germany, it could deeply influence the national political economy institutions that were taking shape by the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. Skip to main content Skip to sections.
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Advertisement Hide. Download PDF. Open Access. First Online: 02 May Analyzing guilds and their abolition Until about , in many Western European countries craft guilds were the bearers of local citizenship rights. According to Crouch , p. First, in his analysis Crouch looks at nineteenth-century countries as homogeneous entities, ignoring that national political economies emerged from a constellation where the economy was regulated at the local level and where variation within countries was therefore substantial.
Moreover, in the pres era the extent to which trades were regulated by means of guilds and similar organizations not only diverged between cities and towns within single countries, but also within the cities and towns themselves. Therefore, it makes more sense to start our investigation with a focus on trades. The crucial questions here are: 1. Second, Crouch implicitly assumes that the abolition of the guilds in the late eighteenth or in the nineteenth century automatically meant the end of the old regulatory mechanisms.
Yet in practice artisans often remained capable of regulating access to their trade and skills-formation for a long time, even after guilds were formally abolished Koselleck ; Crossick Breuilly thinks that the extent to which artisans of a formally abolished guild were capable of retaining their regulating powers related to the characteristics of the production processes in that trade. The crucial question here is: Could production processes be easily industrialized, i.
Whereas some crafts were largely destroyed or considerably transformed by industrialization, others were hardly affected by it. A third question thus arises that needs to be answered: 3. To what extent could production processes in a specific trade be industrialized? Table 1 Craft trades in the nineteenth century: six scenarios. Strong guild before 19th century? Guild or informal regulatory mechanisms effective deep into 19th century? Production processes easy to industrialize?
Old artisanism Yes Yes No 2. Industrialized artisanism Yes Yes Yes 3. Liberalized artisanism Yes No No 4. Destroyed artisanism Yes No Yes 5. New artisanism No — No 6. New industrialism No — Yes. In this section we will explore these scenarios: What happened to the access to the trade and to the position of masters, journeymen, and apprentices? What interest organizations developed?
And what did that mean for labor relations? Table 2 Artisans, economic liberalization and industry: six scenarios and key characteristics at the end of the nineteenth century. Old artisanism 2. Industrialized artisanism 3. Liberalized artisanism 4.
Selling modernity: Advertising in twentieth-century Germany — Macquarie University
Destroyed artisanism 5. New artisanism 6. Yes Yes No No — — Easy to industrialize? However, around , the contribution of the new professionals to emerging national political economies in the three countries became limited for at least two reasons. First, precisely because access to the professions was often controlled by the professional group and becoming a full member of the profession required prolonged training, the numbers remained limited. Table 3 The labor force in Germany, The Netherlands, and the United Kingdom circa , employment in trades as percentage of total labor force.
Germany Netherlands United Kingdom Agriculture and forestry For comparability reasons, some of the trades in the three countries have been redefined or merged Sources: Germany: Hoffmann Germany: decentralized corporatism, citizenship rights largely based on occupational status The standard conception of German industrialization in the second half of the nineteenth century is one of rapidly emerging large-scale industrial firms, supported by state sponsorship and large universal banks.
The modernization of the artisan sector produced a dichotomy between Handwerk and Industrie in the German economy still visible today. Handwerk workers played a decisive role in the establishment of the German labor movement in the closing decades of the nineteenth century Kocka ; Nolan Artisan workers could play this important role, because workers in heavy industry were late to organize and many other sections of the German labor force were not legally allowed to engage in union activity, like domestic personnel, or were mentally or geographically too far away from the places where union activity emerged, like agrarian workers.
Moreover, unlike factory workers in heavy industry, artisan workers could build on a long tradition of organization and interest representation Kocka Table 4 Percentages of the industrial working force by company size in Germany, The Netherlands, and the United Kingdom in From the s, these collaborated closely in the national Trade Union Congress TUC , which in subsequent decades would grow into a formidable interest organization Pelling ; Chase This policy shift was part of a broader attempt to integrate the lower and middle classes into the capitalist British nation.
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Temporarily Out of Stock Online Please check back later for updated availability. Overview The sheer intensity and violence of Germany's twentieth century-through the end of an empire, two world wars, two democracies, and two dictatorships-provide a unique opportunity to assess the power and endurance of commercial imagery in the most extreme circumstances.
Selling Modernity places advertising and advertisements in this tumultuous historical setting, exploring such themes as the relationship between advertising and propaganda in Nazi Germany, the influence of the United States on German advertising, the use of advertising to promote mass consumption in West Germany, and the ideological uses and eventual prohibition of advertising in East Germany. The essays in this collection focus on those who had the greatest stake in successful merchandising: company managers, advertising executives, copywriters, graphic artists, market researchers, and salespeople, all of whom helped shape the depiction of a company's products, reputation, and visions of modern life.
Whether analyzing critiques of capitalism triggered by the growth of advertising in the s, the racial politics of Coca-Cola's marketing strategies during the Nazi era, or a federal anti-drug campaign in West Germany, the contributors reveal advertising's central role in debates about German culture, business, politics, and society. About the Author Pamela E. Show More. Average Review.